Russia
is using its battlefield experience to give Chinese airborne units the
training and technical knowhow to carry out lightning-fast operations.
The
agreements allow Beijing to access training and technology in one of
the few areas where Russian capabilities still surpass those of the
Chinese military: Russia’s more experienced airborne troops, military
analysts said.
Moscow
has become increasingly dependent on China for dual use items to prop
up its sanctions-hit military industry and sustain its war in Ukraine,
but the deals show how Beijing is simultaneously tapping its partner’s
battlefield expertise to further Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s drive to build a modern military with capabilities that match or surpass those of the United States.
The
accords are an example of the two militaries moving beyond symbolic
joint drills and public statements to develop interoperable systems and
shared combat experience in areas that China considers critical for
winning a battle over Taiwan, the self-governing island of 23 million that Beijing claims as its territory.
The
documents — details of which have been independently verified by the
Royal United Services Institute, a British think tank — appear to
demonstrate the deepening alliance between Moscow and Beijing as Russia
seeks to forge a new global order to counter the West and disrupt the
status quo.
The
intricate level of cooperation between Russia and China also
underscores a weakness in Pentagon efforts to divert resources from
defending Ukraine and Europe and to focus instead on countering China in
the Asia-Pacific region, analysts said.
“It
is a very good example of how the Russians have become an enabler for
the Chinese,” making the security challenges of the two countries almost
impossible to separate, said Jack Watling, senior research fellow for
Land Warfare at RUSI.
In
a future war over Taiwan, Moscow’s supply of oil, gas and other natural
resources — and its large defense industry — could become “strategic
backup for China,” added Watling, who co-authored a report published Friday by RUSI on the documents.
The deals
The 800-page cache — obtained by hactivist group Black Moon
and reviewed by The Washington Post — shows Russia agreeing in October
2024 to sell 37 BMD-4M light amphibious vehicles, 11 Sprut-SDM1
self-propelled anti-tank guns, 11 BTR-MDM airborne armored personnel
carriers to the People’s Liberation Army Air Force.
The
main equipment provision contract — which had a provisional value of
$584 million before it was finalized — also included the transfer of
several command and observation vehicles and special purpose parachute
systems designed to airdrop heavy loads from high altitudes.
Russian
tanks move during the Zapad-2025 joint Russian-Belarusian military
drills at a training ground near the town of Borisov on Sept. 15.
(Olesya Kurpyayeva/AFP/Getty Images)
Additional
documents in the cache show several rounds of negotiations including a
meeting in Beijing in April 2024 at which the Chinese side requested
Moscow accelerate the delivery timeline for certain vehicles, include
complete technical documentation and adapt the weaponry to make it
compatible with Chinese software, electronic, radio and navigation
systems.
Separate
documents outlined training programs for Chinese paratroopers in the
combat use of the weaponry — and the advanced command and control
systems used to direct operations — by Russian specialists in Russia and
later in China.
In
its report on the agreements published Friday, RUSI said the training
and the transfers described in the files would give China’s air force
“expanded air maneuver capability” that offered “offensive options
against Taiwan, the Philippines and other island states in the regions.”
The
Kremlin did not respond to a request for comment on the deal.
Similarly, neither China’s Ministry of Defense nor state-owned defense
contractors involved in the deals responded to requests for comment.
While
China has so far declined to provide military hardware at scale for
Russia’s war effort, the two countries have continued to celebrate a
close security partnership that both consider important for countering
the U.S. and its allies.
“Military
cooperation between China and Russia goes far beyond what has been
publicly acknowledged,” said a Taiwanese security official commenting on
the Russia-China deals.
Taiwan
has tracked Russian provision of an advanced paratrooper command system
to China and its military is prepared to respond effectively, the
official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss
internal security assessments.
From
left, Russia's President Vladimir Putin, China's President Xi Jinping
and North Korea's leader Kim Jong Un arrive for a reception in the Great
Hall of the People in Beijing, following a military parade marking the
80th anniversary of the end of World War II, on Sept. 3. (Jade
Gao/AFP/Getty Images)
Over the last year, Xi and Russian President Vladimir Putin have attended each other’s military parades. Their two militaries held 14 joint exercises in 2024, nearly double the number a decade earlier. Last
week, Chinese military representatives attended Russia and Belarus’s
Zapad-2025 war games where Russian demonstrated the high-altitude
airdrops of heavy equipment that China, according to the agreements, is
seeking to replicate.
Although
the Chinese military is widely viewed as superior to Russia’s, it lags
behind Moscow in airborne combat experience and capabilities for air
maneuver, which Russia has deployed in Ukraine and Syria.
The
agreement will give Beijing the opportunity to take Russian technology
and apply it to its own weapons, analysts said. “Russia is transferring
technologies that will allow China to scale-up the production of similar
weapons and military equipment through localization and modernization,”
according to the authors of the RUSI report.
Target Taiwan
For
China, Russia’s airdrop expertise and weaponry is most valuable as part
of preparations for a potential invasion of Taiwan, analysts said.
Chinese
planners consider small, well-equipped units delivered by helicopter or
aircraft “absolutely essential” in their plans to deliver thousands of
troops to Taiwan in the early hours of a conflict, said Lyle Goldstein,
an expert on the Chinese and Russian militaries at Brown University.
Even
with its far greater firepower, a full-scale takeover of Taiwan would
be a complex and risky move for an untested Chinese military. To
succeed, China would need to deliver hundreds of thousands of troops to
the small number of suitable landing spots along the island’s shores —
all while deterring or defeating a potential U.S. intervention.
Chinese
Changhe Z-8L and Harbin Z-20 helicopters carrying banners reading “the
people will prevail, peace will prevail, justice will prevail” fly in
formation during a rehearsal ahead of a military parade to mark the 80th
anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, Aug. 24. (Maxim
Shemetov/Reuters)
“They
have studied D-Day backward, forward and upside down [and] realized
that it would have failed without an airborne component,” said
Goldstein, who is writing a book on China-Russia military ties.
That
makes Russian experience in Ukraine even more valuable for Beijing, and
right now, “Russia will do more or less anything to keep China happy
and cooperative,” he said.
Xi,
China’s most powerful leader in decades, has repeatedly said that
bringing Taiwan under Chinese Communist Party rule is an essential step
in the country’s journey to “national rejuvenation.”
To
achieve that goal, he has ordered the military to modernize faster and
prepare to “fight and win” wars, including, according to U.S.
intelligence, being ready to seize Taiwan by 2027, although experts say
this is not a deadline to launch an attack.
For
Taiwan, Russian support for China’s already significant airborne attack
capabilities intensifies concerns that Beijing could seize
infrastructure inland even as it storms ports and beaches along the
coast.
“Previously,
China’s lack of ability to deliver troops in large numbers and maintain
logistical support were considered weaknesses, but if Russia is
providing technical support, that will be a bigger challenge for
Taiwan’s anti-landing operations,” said Su Tzu-yun, a director at the
Institute for National Defense and Security Research, a Taiwanese think
tank.
Faced with intensifying Chinese aggression and uncertain support from the Trump administration, Taiwan has boosted military spending and focused on training to repel a potential invasion. This year’s annual exercises involved practicing shooting down a Chinese airborne attack on the island’s main Taoyuan International Airport — a location Chinese military commentators have flagged as key for breaking through Taiwanese defenses.
Leaked Pentagon assessments
from 2023 ruled Taiwan’s air defenses especially vulnerable to missile
strikes that could cede air superiority to China early in a conflict.
Taiwan's
military conducts artillery live-fire drills at Fangshan township in
Pingtung, southern Taiwan, on Aug. 9, 2022. (Johnson Lai/AP)
Command and control
Analysts
said technical instruction in Russian command and control systems,
which integrate battlefield data from multiple sources to improve
decision-making, would be of particular interest for China as it plans a
potential assault on Taiwan.
“China
expects to fight in a degraded environment where their systems will be
under threat from jamming and cyberattack. Having Russia train them to
operate a potentially proven command and control system is going to be
worth the millions of dollars they are going to spend,” said Joshua
Arostegui, chair of the China Landpower Studies Center at the U.S. Army
War College’s Strategic Studies Institute.
“China has never really used its airborne forces in a combat situation,” he added.
In
addition, supplying the Chinese airborne battalion with Russian
amphibious vehicles, anti-tank guns, armored personnel carriers and
command and observation vehicles would boost its capabilities to that of
a conventional army unit, Arostegui added. “This would give them the
opportunity to learn tactics, techniques, and procedures for airborne
combined arms operations.”
Earlier documents from the cache, reported on
by independent investigative outlet The Insider in August, showed
Russian-Chinese cooperation to create an automated command system for
Chinese airborne troops designed to coordinate operations, plan
missions, designate targets and provide secure data transmission.
Russian
customs records reviewed by The Insider indicated work on the joint
project was underway, with two entries dated June 18, 2024, showing the
transfer of “military purpose products” to state-owned China Electronics
Technology Group (CETC) from Russia’s Research Institute of
Communication and Control Systems.
Moscow
has long been Beijing’s biggest arms supplier, although Chinese imports
of Russian arms have dropped in recent years as the war in Ukraine
stretched Russian production capacity and China’s own designs and
manufacturing capacity improved. But official Chinese military
publications have continued to regularly praise Russia’s advanced airdrop capabilities.
People
walk by Russia banners at an event promoting “Made in Russia” goods and
relations with China at a shopping mall in Beijing on Aug. 28. (Kevin
Frayer/Getty Images)
China’s air force in particular has been one of the largest recipients of Russian weaponry.
It has purchased dozens of Il-76s — the heavy-lift transport aircraft
that could be used to drop armored vehicles in an airborne assault —
since 2005 while also rapidly expanded a fleet of its own domestic
equivalent Y-20s.
China’s
progress developing its own hardware was on display at the military
parade in Beijing earlier this month when the PLA Air Force Airborne
Corps revealed major upgrades to air-droppable vehicles built
specifically for use with the Y-20 transport aircraft.
China’s
purchase of Russian equipment was in part a way to receive training.
“If you want the Russians to train you, the Russians aren’t going to be
able to do that on a load of Chinese equipment,” RUSI’s Watling said.
“It makes more sense to buy a battalion’s worth from Russia.”
Rudy Lu contributed to this report.